Why Aaron Gilmore won’t be quitting any time soon

The National Party is understandably deeply embarrassed and upset by the shenanigans of lowly ranked MP Aaron Gilmore. Senior members of the party, both within and without the caucus, are saying that he must resign, but he’s refusing to go.

But I’m betting that he won’t be going anytime soon.

The reason is simple. He needs an income.

It has been said that Gilmore claims that he has plenty of money and he doesn’t need the salary (see this post from a prominent National party member), but given Gilmore’s well rehearsed capacity for big noting, amply displayed in recent days, I don’t think that this claim should be taken all that seriously.

It’s an object lesson in the economic realities that drive people’s decision making. Very simply, people must eat. And that means that they will stay in a job even if their employer is an exploitative bully, or they loathe the work, or their workmates are serial harassers, or whatever. It makes employees extraordinarily vulnerable to employers, especially when unemployment is high. There’s always a replacement worker on the dole queue.

This is exactly why we have legislation that protects employees. It’s to ensure that employers don’t have the capacity to exploit employees.

And that means that from time to time, an employer may find it very hard to get rid of an obnoxious employee. That’s the cost of our employment laws, and it’s a small cost to bear. After all, employers typically have more resources (assets, education, expertise, money in the bank and so on) than employees. Employers are usually much less vulnerable than employees/

And we have similar protections in place in our parliament. A Member of Parliament can’t be tossed out of the house just because the leader of her or his party demands it. The objective is not so much to protect an MP’s employment, as to ensure that each and every Member of Parliament can participate in deliberations in the House, work with constituents, offer advice and opinions without fear of being sanctioned, and vote freely. We need our Members of Parliament to have this freedom.

And that means that from time to time, short of calling an election, a political party may find it very, very hard to get rid of an obnoxious MP. That’s the cost of the laws protecting our MPs’ tenure, and it’s a small cost to pay. It has been borne by various parties in the past, and right now, that cost is being borne by the National Party.

If they don’t want to pay those costs, then they probably need to shoulder tap some of their mates, and find some alternative employment for Aaron Gilmore.

More on tax rorts

I have an opinion piece in the Dominion Post this morning.

Tax avoidance by well off a rort

We know there are people who cheat the welfare system: claiming benefits to which they’re not entitled, refusing to look for work, having more children so that they can continue to claim the DPB.

We know about them, because our political leaders have made use of these stories to justify draconian changes to the welfare system.

But we hear very little about another set of people who rort the system. These are the people who manipulate their earnings, and use elaborate financial structures to ensure that they don’t have to pay as much tax as they ought to.

Click here to read the full article.

The problem with tax havens

Despite everything you might hear, most New Zealanders mostly pay their taxes, on time and in full. We’ve got a very good compliance rate here. Somewhere between 80% and 90% of taxpayers pay their tax on time, and over 60% file their returns on time.

But some New Zealanders just don’t want to pay their taxes, including some people who are already incredibly wealthy. That’s what the Secrecy for Sale project has revealed. A team of investigative journalists from all over the world has been investigating tax havens and the people who use them. As it turns out, some New Zealanders are deeply involved in moving money around the world, for reasons of secrecy, and in order to get out of paying taxes. See: Dirty deals in paradise and Money trail leads home to New Zealand.

The problem is not just the tax revenue forgone by New Zealand and other tax jurisdictions. That’s bad enough. But the bigger problem is the attitude of people avoiding tax, especially when they are already incredibly wealthy.

What people who are using these havens are saying is that they have no interest whatsoever in participating in, or contributing to, the communities in which they live. They will take all the advantages of living in New Zealand, and not pay a penny towards them. Those advantages aren’t just the obvious things, like health, education, welfare, roads, defence, and so on. It’s things like the established and robust rule of law that this country enjoys, and the stable society, and the pleasant environment. This things haven’t come about by sheer chance: they are part of our nation because generations of New Zealanders have committed to building them. People who won’t pay their taxes free ride on other New Zealanders.

Tax avoiders not only free ride on other New Zealanders, but they undermine the whole tax system. Tax compliance is a trust game: if people think that other people comply with tax law, then they are more inclined to do so themselves. But if they think that other people are rorting the system, and not paying taxes, and squirreling money away, then they lose confidence in the system, and start to avoid paying taxes themselves. The reasoning is straightforward: who wants to be the only schmuck left. This has been precisely the problem in Greece: people routinely avoid taxes, because they think that everyone else is doing it, and so the Greek tax system has been undermined, perhaps fatally so.

The one defense that these tax avoiders might try is that their activities are perfectly legal. And precedent in tax law suggests that it is perfectly permissible to minimise your taxes to the greatest extent possible. There is a famous judgement to this effect.

Every man is entitled if he can to arrange his affairs so that the tax attaching under the appropriate Acts is less than it otherwise would be. If he succeeds in ordering them so as to secure that result, then, however unappreciative the Commissioners of Inland Revenue or his fellow taxpayers may be of his ingenuity, he cannot be compelled to pay an increased tax. (IRC v Duke of Westminster [ 1936 ] AC1 (HL)).

This principle has been beaten back in recent years, in particular by laws that ask people to consider whether the tax minimisation scheme they have entered into is so artificial that instead of merely avoiding tax, the taxpayer is actively evading tax.

But even if the procedures used are legal, it’s not clear that they are ethically acceptable. This is in fact the closest I can get to understanding exactly what a rort is: it’s something that is technically legal, but nevertheless pushes the law to such an extent that it is immoral.

And it is immoral to make such a big effort to avoid paying taxes. It amounts to saying that you just don’t give a damn about anyone else, and that all you want to do is take. And take. And take some more.

We’ve heard a great deal of nasty rhetoric about people on benefits in recent years, but very little about the scungy behaviour of tax avoiders and tax evaders. But of course, it’s always much easier to attack people who don’t have any resources and any other defences.

We’ll know that the government is serious about all New Zealanders contributing fairly to the common good of our society when they start asking hard questions of their tax avoiding mates.

Wanganui Collegiate: getting more than state schools

It turns out that Hekia Parata recommended that Wanganui Collegiate be closed down. It was a failing private school, unable to attract enough pupils to make ends meet. But Ms Parata was overruled by Cabinet, and Collegiate was able to become an integrated school. That means that the state will fund its on-going operations costs and teachers’ salaries, and the school will charge fees to cover its buildings and so on. It has to have a special character, and it will only be able to accept a limited number of students who don’t fit that special character.

What it means is that over the next few years, even though there are plenty of places available in state schools in Wanganui, this school which charges $10,900 per year per student, excluding boarding fees, will get an extra $7,750 per student from government. That’s the amount of funding to be provided by government – $3.1m – divided by the number of pupils on the roll – 400. The school roll is officially capped at 430, but their own advertising suggests that the roll at present is about 400. I’ve taken a screen grab of that advertisement, for the sake of posterity.

How many students are there at Wanganui Collegiate?

How many students are there at Wanganui Collegiate?

So what does government provide by way of operational and salary funding for other students?

It’s a little hard to track down funding per student for students in the state system. I can’t find a breakdown per decile anywhere. However, the Education Counts website run by the Ministry of Education provides a spreadsheet with per student funding for operational and salaries costs.

Here’s a screen grab of that spreadsheet, slightly edited to get the relevant columns into the shot. It shows that in 2011, the most recent year for which figures are available, the government funded state and other integrated secondary schools to the tune of $7,151 per student.

Funding per student

Funding per student

That means that Wanganui Collegiate is collecting $599 more per student from the government, or something in the order of $240,000.

Those figures are a couple of years old now, and the operational and salaries grants will have gone up since then. However, bear in mind that the figures in that spreadsheet are an average across all deciles. Decile 1 schools get higher government funding than decile 10 schools. According to Wanganui Collegiate’s latest report from the Education Review Office, it is a decile 10 school. That means that the figure of $7,141 per student will be overstated (in comparison to decile 10 schools). The two errors almost certainly balance out.

Hekia Parata made a good call with respect to Wanganui Collegiate. There are plenty of places available in other schools in the region, so it’s not as if Wanganui Collegiate was satisfying an unmet demand for education.

So why did Cabinet overrule her? Shoring up the local man, perhaps? Or satisfying their own customer base?

And while we’re thinking about stinky things, take another look at the breakdown of the fees that Wanganui Collegiate charges.

Lunch money at Wanganui Collegiate

Lunch money at Wanganui Collegiate

Integrated schools are not supposed to increase their fees above the level needed to manage their property, but with some sneaky add-ons, Collegiate manages to charge a whole lot more than that. As well as the base fees of $2,760, they ask for a “donation” of $2,940, and $5,200 for meals, house activities and supervision. I thought that schools were supposed to supervise their students no matter what, so I don’t understand the fee for supervision. I certainly don’t pay extra for my daughters to be supervised at their schools. Nor do we have to pay extra for house activities: they’re just part of the deal. So that makes it $26 per day for lunch ($5,200 divided by 200 days in the school year). Those must be some very fancy school lunches.

It points to a loophole in the system that some integrated schools appear to be exploiting. Perhaps the National party could spend a little time investigating this.

Nice try, but it won’t work

In this morning’s NZ Herald, Auckland accountant Alan Dudson proposes a simple way of sorting out the property market. By that he means making housing cheaper and easier to get into for families (evidently single people need not apply). We should stop allowing a deduction for interest costs incurred by residential investors. At present, he says, we subsidise residential property investors by allowing them to claim a tax deduction for interest. So they can afford to pay more to buy a house, because their tax bill is reduced by the interest deduction. If we stop them being able to claim interest deductions, then they won’t pay as much, and the price of housing will fall, and ordinary people will be able to buy houses again.

It’s a bad idea. For starters, it’s not clear why interest expenses are the culprit. Property owners bear a variety of expenses, such as repairs and maintenance, rates, insurance, management feeds and others, in addition to interest. Those expenses are all deductible. Should interest suddenly become non-deductable, then banks and other institutions will find ways shift ‘interest’ expense into another form. Moreover, it’s not clear why interest should be singled out as the non-deductible expense. Why not rates, or insurance? On top of that, there is a general principle in our tax law that allows people to deduct the expenses they incur in earning assessable income. Removing interest deducibility for residential property investment would be an ad hoc change to that principle. It’s an arbitrary rule, designed to achieve a non-tax purpose.

Second, there are some serious design issues. It’s worth remembering that a reasonable proportion of rental property owners are “accidental investors.” These are people who have had to shift from one place to another for work purposes, and have been unable to sell their homes, so they’ve rented them out. These people would be caught in Alan Dudson’s tax net too, even though they are not speculative property investors. Perhaps you might just say, well, thems the breaks, but it still points to a problem: introducing this measure will affect the ability of people to move in pursuit of employment. In other words, the proposal has a nasty side effect.

You could mitigate this nasty side effect by having an exemption for houses that have been the family home, and you could have a time limit on the exemption, say five years. This would give people enough time to sort their finances and housing out. However, it would open the way for investors to move from house to house, living in each of them for a few months or a year or two, and then transferring them to the rental market. It would be a laborious way of exploiting the loophole, but the loophole would nevertheless exist. And you could design your way out of the loophole, by limiting the number of houses for which you could claim the exemption at any one time, but what started out as a simple rule (you can’t deduct interest) starts to get administratively complex.

Third, how do we deal with people who supply short term accommodation, such as furnished apartments in hotel complexes? These people are providing residential accommodation, sometimes on a comparatively long term basis, for somewhat transitory workers (for example, for the Christchurch rebuild)? They could conceivably be caught by this too. Again, you could design rules to exclude some residential accommodation, perhaps accommodation that is available for less than six months at a time. But all that would do is shift all leases to 180 days. Or you could say that it doesn’t apply to apartments in apartment complexes. But then how do you deal with an old villa that has been separated into say, three flats. Is it or isn’t it subject to the residential rental accommodation rules? Again, you could try writing some more rules around this, and perhaps the rules for the supply of residential accommodation and commercial dwellings in the GST Act might provide a workable model. However, it’s still an administratively complex mechanism which will be needed in order to shore up an arbitrary rule.

Mr Dudson thinks that if interest deductibility is removed, “It would flood the market with thousands or tens of thousands of houses for sale.” Maybe. I suspect that plenty of residential property investors would simply increase rents instead, to the extent that the market would bear it. And it’s worth bearing in mind that the tax advantage to be gained, assuming that investors would otherwise be paying the top tax rate, is about $1,700 for every $100,000 of mortgage. No one likes paying extra tax, but my guess is that plenty of investors would find ways to manage it. So I don’t think that there would be an immediate flood of houses onto the market, and that means that there would be no drop in the price of housing. It’s worth remembering that there was no flood of houses onto the market when depreciation deductions were removed.

But the real problem with Mr Dudson’s solution is that it is a demand-side solution. His objective is to make housing more affordable in Auckland in particular. However, the reason that prices are high in Auckland is that demand is very high. All those properties that are snapped up by property investors are promptly filled with tenants who are happy, or at least prepared, to pay high rents for it. That demand won’t go away just by changing the rules around interest deductibility. If we really want to make housing in Auckland more affordable, then we need to look at the supply side of the equation, and build many more houses.

Why businesses should reject subsidies and embrace the living wage campaign

Marx* has a what we might now describe as a very cynical analysis of the wages for labour. In Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, Vol. 1, Part 1, Chapter 6, The Buying and Selling of Labour Power (link goes to the Liberty Fund library), he writes:

Therefore the labour-time requisite for the production of labour-power reduces itself to that necessary for the production of those means of subsistence; in other words, the value of labour-power is the value of the means of subsistence necessary for the maintenance of the labourer.

If the owner of labour-power works to-day, to-morrow he must again be able to repeat the same process in the same conditions as regards health and strength. His means of subsistence must therefore be sufficient to maintain him in his normal state as a labouring individual. His natural wants, such as food, clothing, fuel, and housing, vary according to the climatic and other physical conditions of his country.

The minimum limit of the value of labour-power is determined by the value of the commodities, without the daily supply of which the labourer cannot renew his vital energy, consequently by the value of those means of subsistence that are physically indispensable.

Simply, the minimum amount that ought to be paid to workers, is the minimum amount they need to survival. Businesses need to pay this amount, because otherwise, the worker will not be able to come back the next day and work again. She or he won’t come back, because they simply won’t have the physical strength to do so.

Think about this in the context of New Zealand. The minimum wage here is $13.50 an hour. However, the minimum wage that a worker needs in order to be able to live has been identified: it’s $18.40 an hour. That’s the amount that a worker needs to be paid in order to be able to function.

And businesses here just don’t pay it.

So how on earth do they manage to get workers to turn up for work again the next day?

They stick their hands out, and ask for a subsidy. The government pays the subsidy, through tax credits to workers, such as the Working for Families tax credits. That’s what turns a minimum wage job, paid at $13.50 an hour, into a subsistence level job. The current government might like to say that Working for Families is assistance for the low paid, but in reality, it’s a subsidy for employers. It enables businesses to pay low wages, to pay less than the cost of labour.

Businesses and other employers who aren’t prepared to pay a living wage need to recognise that what they are doing instead is accepting a subsidy from government to prop up their enterprises.

Think about that next time we hear the party of business wailing about all those wretched beneficiaries.

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For the record, I support paying benefits and tax credits, because I think that a good society works to ensure that everyone has a chance, that everyone has the resources to participate in the society. At a most basic level, I want to see children fed, and I am not interested in engaging in esoteric debates about responsible and irresponsible parents. That’s a good debate to have, but for goodness sake, feed the children first.

However, businesses ought to recognise that what they are doing when they pay a minimum wage is accepting a subsidy from government.

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When I lectured in political theory, I introduced my students to Marx. And to Locke and Hobbes and Mill and Adam Smith and Machiavelli and Wollstonecraft. Marx is part of the canon. But because so many people are scared of Marx (“The universities are full of Marxists!), I used to introduce him with a parable about a statue. Think of a statue in a darkened room. You have a torch, and you can shine a light on it from one angle, and then from another, and then another again. But you can never see the whole thing at once. Each beam of light reveals a different thing about the statue, and sometimes by shining a light from a new angle, you can see something completely different. Adopting a Marxist perspective can highlight particular issues, just as adopting a libertarian perspective can, or using a feminist perspective. You can make use of the framework, without necessarily buying into it.

For the record, I am a social democrat, not a Marxist, and whenever I do one of those political compass tests, I tend to come out as economically left, but a social libertarian. My latest scores were:
Economic Left/Right: -5.00
Social Libertarian/Authoritarian: -6.10
The negative number indicates a skew to the first descriptor in each pair.

A different take on the current bout of Muslim bashing

Many of us are rightly appalled by Richard Prosser’s remarks about young Muslim men.

But I urge you to read what kiwistargazer has to say about the current bout of Muslim bashing.

Here we go again

we go through this once every 6 months or so. if it’s not women wearing burqa’s banned from buses, it’s cartoons, it’s various politicians or authors. some little spark and “we” get to have “the debate” all over again as to whether muslims are good or bad, happy or sad. leaders of political parties get to have their faces in the news and posture about inclusiveness and to express OUTRAGE at such terrible remarks. let’s see how many political points we can score on the back of this current incident.

frankly, i’m sick of these conversations and i’m sick being used as a political tool.

Click here to read the whole post.